The dramatic deterioration of the Turkish-Israeli alliance after the publication of the UN report on the flotilla incident displays some quite interesting features both from an Armenian standpoint and from a more comprehensive one. We are not dealing here with Turkey’s usual blackmail policy toward anyone who dares to thwart its will but with the difference between Armenia and Israel regarding these blackmails and with the present prospect of Turkey’s foreign policy.
|The Mavi Marmara episode : the end
of a"strategic partnership"
Starting from a far different history, Israel used to consider Turkey as a factor of moderation, secularity and stability in the Muslim world. This fantasy was supported by the strong Turkish communication policy which permanently recalled advantageous events such as its welcome of fleeing European Jews during WWII while it kept silent about opposite signals, for instance how it looted and penned its domestic Jews and Armenians in concentration camps during the same period under the notorious Varlik Vergisi regime. Therefore, starting from mere commercial agreements, Israel progressively reached tactical and military agreements which finally led to a strategic partnership, mainly directed toward their supposed common foes, Iran and Syria. Obviously, this partnership was consolidated under the favorable aegis of the United States from the 90s to the 2000s.
|Yenikoy Surp Asdvadzadzin Church:
an building to be given back to the
Turkish Armenian community
Regarding Israel, the visible beginning of the end of the “strategic partnership” may be dated back to the famous Davos summit, in January 2009, when Recep Erdogan publicly insulted Shimon Peres, calling him a child-murderer in reference to the Palestinian conflict. The situation clearly aggravated in May 2010 when Israel blocked the Mavi Marmara, a Turkish ship, allegedly sent to deliver some “humanitarian” aid to the Gaza strip but actually operated by Turkish Islamists and maybe by their secret services too. In this operation, Israeli forces injudiciously killed nine Turkish citizens, triggering Turkey’s hysteria. Since then, the Turkish triumvirate – Gül, Erdogan, Davutoglu – endlessly demands apologies from Israel, something that Tel-Aviv cannot and will not accept. These last days, the UN report on the Mavi Marmara incident just strengthened Turkey’s intransigence and Ankara eventually expelled the Israeli ambassador and cut any political, military or commercial relations with the Jewish State. Some Israeli passengers transiting by Istanbul were even briefly retained and Turkey even alluded to a possible military intervention when it mentioned that its future “humanitarian” ships toward Gaza would be escorted by some military vessels.
|The ratification of notorious protocols
between Armenia and Turkey
The situation is clearly different for Israel on which Ankara’s demands for apologies and compensation progressively became an ultimatum. Recently, Ahmet Davutoglu even dared to reject the US mediation in this dispute. Facing this intransigence, Netanyahu’s government didn’t try at all to mitigate its position or to play smart politics. It just launched communication campaigns, mainly toward the United States’ decision-makers, through the pro-Israeli Medias and its usual AIPAC-like lobbies. In an unprecedented move, Avigdor Liebermann, the hardliner Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs even mentioned that its country could help the passage of the Armenian Genocide resolution in the US Senate and could even “be supporting Armenia in its dispute with Turkey over control of Mount Ararat”, an alleged demand that official Armenia itself has refused to formulate up to now.
|Elbit 450: an advanced Israeli drone boughr by Azerbaijan
|Armenia admitted owning Russian S-300
 A fact which is now seriously questioned by Turkish scholars. See for instance Ayse Hür in Taraf, December 2007, “Türk Schindleri Efsaneleri” (in Turkish, “The Turkish Schindlers Myth”). Another strong opposite signal never mentioned by Turkey’s communication policy is the strong anti-Semitic mood of its population. Thus, Mein Kampf is known to have been a bestseller for years. It is sold in cheap paperback editions.
 It is a remarkable evidence of continuity that the deportees were sent to Askale (Armenian plateau), i.e. exactly where the Armenian intellectuals had been sent and killed at the beginning of the Armenian Genocide 27 years earlier.
 Formerly termed Nagorno-Karabakh under the Soviet period.
 In December 2010, Armenian Americans filed a suit against two Turkish banks and the Republic of Turkey for the alleged seizure of their ancestors’ properties, located on the present US military base of Incirlik. After having been noticed twice, including through the US Department of State, Turkey and the banks refused the service of the lawsuit (06/20/2011). They were thus given granted two months by the Court to answer the complaint, but they did not, risking to be ruled against it in absentia. The Court granted them an extension to September 19 to prepare for court proceedings and they finally replied these last days.
 Only those stolen after 1936, i.e. during the Varlik Vergisi period, are encompassed by this measure. The gigantic spoliation during the Genocide and before is of course not addressed by this decision.
 Aram I, the Armenian Catholicos of the Holy See of Cilicia issued a critical open letter to Erdogan. Check Armenian Weekly.
 For a more detailed analysis, check “Constitutional Court Limits Protocols’ Damage to Armenian National Interests”, Harut Sassounian, Asbarez, January 2010.
 An opinion which is altered neither by the notable shot down of an Azeri drone by the Armenian forces in Artsakh, neither by the marginal display of first-ever Armenia-made drones during the military parade that came with the 20th anniversary of independence.